Quaid e Azam’s Will

Little Gibbs Rd, Malabar Hill, Bombay-30th May 1939

(1)This is my last Will and Testament, all other Wills and Testaments of mine stand cancelled.

(2) I appoint my sister, Fatima Jinnah, Mr. Mohammedalli Chaiwalla, Solicitor Bombay and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan of Delhi as my executrix and executors and also my trustees.

(3) All shares, stocks & securities and current accounts now standing in the name of my sister, Fatima Jinnah, are her absolute property. I have given them all to her by way of gifts during my lifetime and I confirm the same, and she can dispose of them in any manner she pleases as her absolute property.

(4) I now hereby bequeath to her my house and all that land with appurtenances, outhouses etc. situated at Mount Pleasant Road, Malabar Hill, Bombay, including all the furniture, plates, silver and Motor Cars in its entirety as it stands absolutely and she can dispose of it in any manner she pleases by will, deed or otherwise.

(5) I also direct my executors to pay her during her lifetime Rs. 2,000/- two thousands per month (for her maintenance and other requirements for her).

(6) I direct my executors to pay per month Rs. 100/- one hundred to my sister, Rehmat Cassimbhoy Jamal, during her lifetime.

(7) I direct my executors to pay per month Rs. 100/- one hundred to my sister, Mariam Abdenbhoy Peerbhoy, during her lifetime.

(8) I direct my executors to pay per month Rs. 100/- one hundred to my sister, Shereen, during her lifetime.

(9) I direct my executors to pay per month Rs. 100/- one hundred to my brother, Ahmed, during his lifetime.

(10) I direct my executors to set apart Rs. 200,000/- (two lacs) or (two hundred thousands) which will at 6% bring an income of Rs. 1,000/- one thousand and pay the income thereof whatever it be to my daughter every month for her life or during her lifetime and after her death the corpus of two lacs so set apart to be divided equally between her children, males or females, in default of issue the corpus to fall into my residuary estate.

(11) I direct my executors to pay the following by way of gifts to the institutions mentioned.
(A) I bequeath Rs. 25,000/- Twenty-five thousand to the Anjumane-Islam School, Bombay, situated at Hornby Road opposite Boribunder Station and next to the The Times of India Buildings
(B) I bequeath Rs. 50,000/- Fifty thousands to the University of Bombay
(C) I bequeath Rs. 25,000/- Twenty-five thousands to the Arabic College, Delhi

(12) Subject to above, all my residuary estate including the corpus that may fall after the lapse of life interests or otherwise to be divided into three parts – and I bequeath One part to Aligarh University, One Part to Islamia College, Peshawar, and One Part to Sindh Madressa of Karachi.

Sd / M. A. Jinnah                     Attesting witnesses

The Way it Was

Brig Zahir Alam Khan
I left Dacca at the end of the second week of August, flying back to West Pakistan around Ceylon was a long flight, it gave me plenty of time to think over the events and to give some thoughts to my bleak future. Major General Rahim Khan had misconstrued and lied and Lieutenant General Niazi without investigating what Major General Rahim had alleged had confirmed it and given his own opinion of me which was that I was a below average officer. The army’s principle was that the senior officer must be supported to maintain discipline, therefore my representation on Lieutenant General Niazi’s report, though supported by copies of orders that I had received from Eastern Command, would be of no avail and I should either settle down to spend a few more years as a lieutenant colonel or prepare to leave the army.

The PIA flight arrived at Karachi at about ten o’clock at night, I had not informed my wife that I was coming so there was no one to receive me. Coming out of the Karachi airport I left my luggage, which consisted of suitcase and a talking mynah in a cage, outside the airport building and went to find a taxi, as I was crossing the road in front of the airport building I heard the mynah talk. I looked back and saw a man carrying away the cage, I ran back and he dropped the cage and ran away.

My wife was surprised to see me back, after greetings were over I told her that I had been sent back on an adverse report by Lieutenant General Niazi, the commander Eastern Command, that my prospects in the army were bleak and that she should get used to idea of my leaving the army.

I spent a few days with my wife and children, and bought a two-year old car with the money that was saved due to the accumulation of my pay after the military action started.

I left for Rawalpindi by car and drove from Karachi to Multan, leaving in the morning and arriving in Multan in the evening and stayed at Lieutenant Colonel Kallue’s house. He informed me that I had been posted as GSO 1 (Intelligence) II Corps, at Multan, that Colonel Niaz Azim was the Colonel GS under whom I would be serving. Expecting to come back to Multan, I left my car at Lieutenant Colonel Kallue’s house and went by train to Rawalpindi where the Station Headquarters gave me the posting order which ordered me to report to II Corps.

Colonel Niaz Azim, Baluch Regiment, and I were from the same course, same platoon and same section at the PMA, we had been room mates in Salahuddin Company and were good friends, I had passed out of the Academy a few numbers senior to him. I took the posting order, went to GHQ and from Lieutenant Colonel Aslam Mirza’s office, who was still in Staff Duties Directorate, I telephoned the Military Secretary, Major General Nasrullah, who had been my instructor in the Staff College, and told him that I had just been given a posting order posting me as GSO 1 (Intelligence) in II Corps where the colonel GS was junior to me. I said that if the posting order meant that I had been superseded, I would submit my resignation as I was not willing to serve under an officer who was junior to me. The Military Secretary took the number I was speaking from, rang back after a few minutes and told me that I was to proceed on one month’s expatriation leave, a leave given to people who served in a wing of Pakistan in which they were not domiciled. The rest of the day I spent with Lieutenant Colonel Aslam Mirza working out how much pension I was entitled to and how much I would lose if I asked for retirement.

I went on leave and my wife and children joined me in Murree, after about two weeks I was informed that I was to proceed to Kharian to take over the charge of colonel staff 6 Armoured Division. I went to Kharian, two of my brothers were there, Lieutenant Colonel Firoz Alam had been raised and was commanding 36 FF there, his family was there but he had moved to the field with his unit, Major Aijaz Alam was there commanding a squadron in 13 Lancers. In the evening of the day on which I got to Kharian, Major General Mitha telephoned me and told me the adverse report on me by Lieutenant General Niazi had been expunged in its entirety. On hearing this I was certain that I would be posted to Kharian and asked Lieutenant Colonel Kallue to have someone drive my car to Kharian and he sent it. I spent the next few days with 6 Armoured Division, the GOC, Major General Muhammad Iskandar ul Karim, with the nick name ‘Bachchu Karim’, a Bengali officer, had been the platoon commander of the Qasim Company platoon of our course in the PMA. The GOC and his staff were reconnoitering the operational area of the division and I joined them. Colonel Agha Javed Iqbal was the officer I was to relieve. When the reconnaissance was completed and no orders had come about me, I told the general that since the posting order had not come I would like to go and finish my leave and join the division when the posting order was issued.

I went back to Murree, my leave finished and I remained attached to Station Headquarters Rawalpindi. I went to Rawalpindi and arranged with the Station Headquarters that I would remain in Murree and they would inform me if any orders about me were received. While in Rawalpindi I met Lieutenant General Gul Hassan who had just returned from a tour of East Pakistan, while talking to me he shocked me by telling me that ‘we should forget about East Pakistan’.

On 25 September the Station Headquarters Rawalpindi informed me that I had been posted to raise 38 Cavalry in Hyderabad, to be part of the 18 Division. I packed up and drove to Rawalpindi, when I saw the posting order it said that Lieutenant Colonel Shamim Yasin Manto, later brigadier, was posted to 28 Cavalry, the integral armoured regiment of 23 Division, which had been raised and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed, Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed had been posted to 22 Cavalry which I had commanded and was wearing their badges and I was to go to 38 Cavalry. I went to GHQ and telephoned the Military Secretary protesting against being posted to a new regiment when I was wearing the badges of 22 Cavalry. The Military Secretary told me these orders had been issued under the instructions of the CGS Lieutenant General Gul Hassan, I told the Military Secretary that I would go and see the CGS and protest against the posting order. I went to the CGS’s office and told his GSO 2, Major Javed Nasir, later lieutenant general, that I wished to see the CGS, Major Nasir went into the CGS’s office, he came out and told me that the CGS had said that he would not see me. I told Major Nasir to go back and tell the CGS that I would wait in the GSO 2’s office and see him when he left his office. I sat for about an hour then the CGS called his GSO 2 and asked him whether I was still waiting and when he was told that I was, he called me in. I showed him the posting order and did not say anything, the general looked at the posting order and said ‘this MS is always making a cock up’ and before I could tell him that the MS had told me that the order was issued on his instructions, he added that we were going to be at war in fifteen days, about the middle of October, that I had been posted to raise the new regiment and get it ready for war in fifteen days, after hearing this I could not say anything and left.

31 Cavalry, originally 31 Tank Delivery Unit located at Sialkot became 31 Cavalry after the ‘65 war with India and moved to Hyderabad as the integral armoured regiment of 18 Division. In the middle of 1971 it was decided to equip the armoured regiment of 18 Division with T-59 Chinese tanks. Since 31 Cavalry was not trained on the T-59s it was decided that 22 Cavalry from the 1st Armoured Division would move to Hyderabad and take over new T-59 tanks and 31 Cavalry would move to the 1st Armoured Division to be trained on T-59 tanks, the Sherman II tanks of 31 Cavalry would be overhauled and handed over to the newly created 38 Tank Delivery Unit, a nucleus tank regiment with the full complement of tanks, a few vehicles and about 115 men, to be located at Hyderabad and when necessary it would be converted into a regiment by posting the manpower and providing the necessary additional equipment and vehicles.

38 TDU was commanded by Major I. B. Khan, when I assumed the command on 1 October, 38 Cavalry was formally raised. 18 Division had moved to its war location, so the Hyderabad cantonment was lying vacant, I asked the Station Commander, Brigadier ‘Andy’ Anwar ul Haq, for the 22 Cavalry lines and moved the tanks and the men there. The tanks moved about half a mile and one tank engine seized because of lack of lubrication.

A day or so after I arrived the officers and the men started arriving, I organised a reception party of an NCO and a vehicle which met every train that came to Hyderabad and brought the personnel to the regiment. Every morning I interviewed the officers and men who had arrived the previous day, the officers had been posted by the Military Secretary’s Branch at GHQ and were a fair cross section, except for Major I. B. Khan who saw the pace I was setting, went to the hospital and then was posted out. Major Zia Ud Din Javed, later lieutenant colonel, 11 Cavalry and Army Aviation pilot, took over the post of second in command, Major Ghulam Mujtaba, 4 Cavalry, Major Javed Hussain, 15 Lancers, Major Nazar Malik, 12 Cavalry, later lieutenant colonel, took over as A, B and C Squadron commanders and later Major Mohammad Karim took over the headquarters squadron, Captain Pervez Khan, later brigadier, ex-28 Cavalry, Captain Tariq Shuja Javed Bhatti, later major, Captain Muhammad Nawaz Saqi Gujar, later major, were the adjutant, quartermaster and the technical officer. Amongst the JCOs, I could not have got a better risaldar major than Risaldar Major Mazhar Ali Khan who had come from 5 Horse, he was a short skinny unimpressive man and I thought that 5 Horse had pulled a fast one on me to promote someone. I discussed it with Lieutenant Colonel Kallue and he assured me that it was a loss to 5 Horse and I could not have a better man, he was absolutely correct, as I soon found out. The other JCOs were a mixed bag, some good, some bad. The JCOs, NCOs and the men were posted on the Armoured Corps Directorate order stating that 38 Cavalry was being raised and instructing various regiments to immediately post the number of personnel shown against them. Four things became obvious immediately, firstly I was getting the discards from all the regiments, secondly most of the men I was receiving had not served on tanks for a long time and had been employed as drivers or on administrative duties at headquarters etc, thirdly they wanted to avoid serving as tank crews and lastly there was almost no one who had served on Sherman IIs or would admit having served on them and knew how to operate them.

While I was busy raising 38 Cavalry I received an order to proceed to Lyallpur (Faisalabad) where Sheikh Mujibur Rehman was being tried by a military court headed by Brigadier Rahimuddin, later general. The evening before I was required to give the evidence, which was only how I had arrested him, the prosecuting officer briefed me, the next day after I had given the evidence I was cross examined by Mr. Brohi, Sheikh Mujib’s defending lawyer and in a minute he made me admit that I was briefed by the prosecutor.

As I had done with 22 Cavalry I now organised the training of 38 Cavalry, using the TDU nucleus who had some knowledge of Shermans and a few old Armoured Corps School and Centre instructors, now senior JCOs and NCOs who had been posted to the regiment. Classes were organised in driving, gunnery and wireless, tanks were driven around a field in the lines, they were loaded on tank transporters, one fell off and everybody gaped at it while it lay with its tracks in the air, I used it to teach tank crews how to recover a tank which had turned turtle. After about two weeks of training the tanks were moved to the tank firing range at Kotri, guns were zeroed, all gunners were made to fire and tank commanders and troop leaders were run through a ‘battle run’ with live ammunition. In the training twenty four persons received serious injuries and were sent to the hospital. Two tank engines seized.

The raising of a regiment requires a large number of items, indents were placed for the myriad of items that were required and promptly the Ordnance Corps started sending ‘NA’, ‘not available’ certificates. Out of forty, three-ton lorries, which were authorised to an armoured regiment operating in the desert, we received nine, jeeps were not available but we got a few GAZ, the Russian vehicle, jeep ambulances were not available but 3/ 4 ton ambulances were issued as substitutes, we got a windfall with ten 1-ton Dodge Power Wagons, a miraculous vehicle for the desert. NA certificates were also received for rifles, sten guns and pistols, though later some rifles and Indian sten guns captured in the ‘65 war were issued.

A few days after I arrived to take over the command of 38 Cavalry the GOC 18 Division, Major General B. M. Mustafa, sent a message that he would be in Karachi and I should meet him. I had met the general when he was the BM of 101 Brigade in 1952 but he and I both had forgotten that we had met. He had been Major Zia uddin Abbasi’s instructor at the Staff College and ZU had depicted him as a tyrant, I was rather apprehensive about working under him, particularly as I had just come out of the dog house. We met at his residence, I found him a reasonable man, I explained how the raising of the regiment was progressing, my difficulties and my doubts about the engines. He arranged for me to go to GHQ to expedite matters, when I met the Director Armoured Corps, Brigadier Nazir, I told him about the condition of the tanks and the problem of the tank engines seizing after running a few miles. He arranged for me to visit the 502 Combined Workshop where I was showed how the overhauling of the engines was being carried and how every engine was bench tested under load before being passed, I could find no fault in the system.

An armoured regiment in 1971 had fifty tanks, including tank dozers and armoured recovery vehicles; for command, control, administration and communication, jeeps and 3/4 tons fitted with wireless sets capable of communicating with tanks were authorised, the Ordnance issued an NA certificate for these and considered the matter closed. I contacted the Signal Directorate who controlled the issue of wireless equipment and they told me that the cupboard was bare, I asked if any wireless sets were available and they told me that No 62 Sets, formerly used by the Artillery and replaced in 1958 were in stock, these sets were a variation of the No 19 Set used in the Armoured Corps when I was commissioned and I asked for them to be issued to me.

The Sherman tanks which 38 Cavalry inherited, supposedly base overhauled by the Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (EME) at the 502 Workshop in Rawalpindi, were in a sorry state. The engines had been overhauled but every time the tanks were run a few miles, an engine seized, and every time this was reported the EME said that it was due to the negligence of the tank crew that they had failed to ensure the correct amount of oil in the engine. The tank guns had a lot of play and in most of them, after firing a round the gun would move through several degrees upwards, downwards or to the right or left. The tanks were fitted with the SCR 508/528 wireless sets whose wiring had lost its insulation, headsets and microphones were not working and almost all the wireless sets fitted in tanks for communicating with infantry were out of order. The tanks had almost no tools, not a single ‘track puller’ for joining and breaking tank tracks was available in the regiment, the paint job and the stencil ‘Class IIB’ was very good. Neither the Armoured Corps Directorate nor the Military Operations directorate apart from providing the manpower for the TDU had assessed the state of the equipment and had ordered the raising of a tank regiment with useless tanks. The Ordnance Corps had got away by issuing ‘Not Available’ certificates for tools and equipment, the EME had chalked up output and set efficiency records in their workshops by overhauling the tanks, the Military Operations Directorate had marked up an additional tank regiment on its map. I had the option of making the best out of a bad lot of men and equipment or being condemned as a coward or as inefficient.

On 16 October I was called to Khairpur where the 18 Division headquarters was located, Lieutenant Colonel Akram Hussain Syed, who had taken over the command of 22 Cavalry was also there. The general, with his colonel staff , Colonel Wajid Ali Shah, present, told us that the plans of 18 Division were to conduct an offensive in the area Ramgarh and Jaisalmir, 38 Cavalry was to seize Ramgarh and 22 Cavalry was to neutralise the airfield at Jaisalmir, he asked for our opinion on the practicability of the planned operation from the armour point of view. Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and I agreed that an offensive in the area would succeed if two conditions were met, the first one was that a night approach march should be made up to the border on the first night and the next night the march to Ramgarh and Jaisalmir, the second was that air support must be available from dawn to dusk for one day after Ramgarh and Jaisalmir were reached. The GOC accepted our suggestions, the plan was top secret and we were not to discuss it with anybody.

When I came to Hyderabad to raise 38 Cavalry I had left my wife and children in Murree, my brother telephoned me and told that my wife had had a Caesarean operation and was admitted in CMH Rawalpindi, I asked for leave and was given three days leave. In Rawalpindi I found that my wife was recovering from the operation and was well, our child born prematurely had died because the hospital lacked proper facilities. I brought my two daughters and left them with my wife’s parents and rejoined the regiment.

I had left my baggage and my car with 3 Commando Battalion in East Pakistan, they were to return to West Pakistan and were supposed to bring it with them. While I was busy with the problems of 38 Cavalry I learnt that 3 Commando Battalion had returned and when I asked them about my car and my baggage they told me that they had not brought it with them. My baggage was sent by Lieutenant Commander Mukhthar Azam who saw the boxes with my name on them and had them shipped. My car was taken by the officers of 2 Commando from the Embarkation Headquarters, used and left at Kaptai.

About the twentieth of October 38 Cavalry received orders to move to its war location. One squadron was to be placed under command 55 Brigade at Chhor, the rest of the regiment was to concentrate at Manthar, a village between Sadiqabad and Rahim Yar Khan. The holy month of Ramzan had started, I ordered the tanks to be stowed with ammunition, when I went to the ammunition store I noticed that all the store rooms were open but one was locked, I called the Quartermaster JCO and asked him why that room was locked, he gave a story about the key not being available. When I very firmly told him to open the store he reluctantly produced the key and opened it, when the door opened Risaldar Islam ud Din was found sleeping inside.

I selected ‘A’ Squadron to go under the command of 55 Brigade because I had found Major Ghulam Mujtaba a very good officer, a good organiser and during the three weeks that he had commanded ‘A’ Squadron, he had done better than other squadron commanders, he and his squadron were the first to move. The other squadrons moved to Sadiqabad, I brought up the rear ensuring that all the ammunition and stores were moved.

Amongst the personnel posted to the regiment was an Education Corps subedar and a regimental maulvi, both requested that they be left with the rear party in Hyderabad. I told the Education JCO that since one of his jobs was teaching map reading to the men, he would come along and maintain the battle map in my headquarters in the regimental command vehicle. I told the maulvi that he would be responsible to see that those who were killed were buried properly. The Education Corps JCO objected very strongly saying that marking maps was not included in his duties and when he found that I was not going to change my mind, he arranged to be posted out of the regiment, the maulvi also disappeared. Just when the regiment was about to move a number of Bengali NCOs and ORs arrived and we were informed that the Bengali squadrons of regiments were broken up and the Bengali personnel were distributed amongst all the regiments.

At Sadiqabad the ramp for unloading tanks from a train was very badly designed and was awkward, one of our tanks fell off it, some main gun ammunition came out of the ammunition rack and fell inside the tank and petrol spilled, luckily there was no fire. I was watching the unloading and when the tank turned turtle on the railway track I was wondering what to do when a railway wreck clearing crane came from the direction of Sukkur and stopped at Sadiqabad, I sent a message to the station master and the tank was lifted and placed on its track. There were no tank transporters so the tanks moved on their tracks and another tank engine seized on the way to Manthar.

Sometime after the regiment arrived at Sadiqabad, General Hamid the Chief of the Army Staff and Air Marshal Rahim the Commander in Chief of the Pakistan Air Force came to Rahim Yar Khan and the plans of 18 Division were discussed and approved, the question of air support for the division’s operations was raised and the C-in-C of the PAF accepted the responsibility.

A few days after this discussion with the COAS and the C-in-C of the PAF, the GOC called me and told me that he had changed the role of 38 Cavalry, it would go to Jaisalmir and 22 Cavalry would go to Ramgarh. He said that he knew that the mechanical state of the regiment was poor but in the Ramgarh area a tank battle would develop and 22 Cavalry was better equipped for it, therefore 38 Cavalry had to undertake the mission of neutralising the Jaisalmir airfield. I considered the operations, Jaisalmir was 120 miles from the rail head at Reti, I estimated that due to engine failure I would have a tank breakdown every fifteen miles, I asked for a team of Electrical and Mechanical Engineers with a crane to change engines and twelve reserve engines to be carried in trucks to replace engines as they broke down. The GOC agreed to this and said that necessary arrangements would be made.

I and all the officers carried out a reconnaissance for counter penetration positions covering the approaches to Rahim Yar Khan and Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and I took all our officers along the route which we were to take to the border, Reti - Khenju - Gabbar - Masitwari Bhit - the border for the 18 Division offensive operation without telling the officers the actual purpose of the familiarisation.

About the middle of November the news from East Pakistan indicated that the Indian attack on East Pakistan had begun. The Indian Air Force began flying reconnaissance missions over Rahim Yar Khan and Sadiqabad. Once when visiting 206 Brigade area I saw a Canberra returning from Rahim Yar Khan and once two Hawker Hunters flew over our concentration area and over Sadiqabad.

With war imminent I decided to let my officers know the mission given to 38 Cavalry by the GOC although it was strictly against his orders, my object was to get them over the shock that the mission would create and get their minds working to solve the difficulties. I collected all the officers and the Risaldar Major and told them what I was going to tell them was ‘top secret’ and was not to be discussed. I then told them that 38 Cavalry with an infantry battalion and a mortar battery was to capture the Jaisalmir airfield on the outbreak of war with India which was going to be any day. The regiment would move by train from Sadiqabad to Reti, then on tracks to the border, a distance of sixty miles, lie up for the day just short of the border and then move sixty miles at night to Jaisalmir and seize the airfield. I told them the tanks would have to carry about 200 gallons of petrol in drums, that the PAF would give us air support for one day and told them to start preparing for the operation. There was stunned silence, the officers looked at one another not believing what they were hearing. That night in the mess hardly anyone spoke, the next morning, having lived with the problem for night, the officers were reconciled and started resolving the problems. I had included the Risaldar Major hoping that in confidence he would tell the JCOs and the word would trickle down and the JCOs and other ranks would also reconcile and accept the challenge.

With the likelihood of operations beginning anytime now there was a lot of work to prepare the regiment for the planned operations and every morning I would go around and check the progress. ‘B’ Squadron was commanded by Major Javed Hussain, everyday I would find something wrong in his squadron, one morning I went at about nine o’clock to his squadron and found him asleep in his tent, I gave him a good dressing down and made up my mind to put him on an adverse report if I found anything wrong again.

On 1 December I was surprised by the arrival of the ‘Inspector’ Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, Colonel Saeed Qadir, later Lieutenant General and Production Minister, he came to investigate my complaints about the tank engines seizing. Colonel Saeed Qadir with Lieutenant Colonel Rehman, commander EME battalion of 18 Division arrived in my vehicle park, I showed them the state of the wiring inside the tank and told them about the engines seizing. An EME JCO, a reservist, who had served with the 72 Armoured Workshop of the old 3rd Independent Armoured Brigade and who had just joined the 18 Division EME battalion happened to be in my unit lines and heard the problem that we were trying to resolve, he at once said he knew what the problem was. He took us to a tank whose engine had seized, pointed to an object and asked for it to be removed from the hull of the tank, he took it and dismantled it and showed us that it was completely blocked with a black gooey substance. The Sherman II tank engine was an aircraft air cooled radial engine with a full force feed oil sump system. The oil sump was attached to the engine housing of the tank and when the engine was removed for maintenance or overhauling it remained in the tank and probably had not been cleaned since the tanks had been received. An order was immediately given to take down all the engines to clean the sumps. The state of the electrical wiring, wireless equipment and the guns was shown to Colonel Saeed Qadir, he seemed to have been satisfied with having found the reason of the tank engines seizing and left.

On the morning of 2nd of December I received a message to report to the division headquarters. There the division commander told me that the 18 Division operations would start that evening, 38 Cavalry grouped with 1 Punjab and a mortar battery, under my command, was to follow 51 Brigade up to Loganewala and then to proceed independently to seize and neutralise the Indian Air Force base at Jaisalmir. The GOC told me that since I had the engine problem and had to collect the task force I need not attend his orders. I telephoned the regiment and ordered that the tank engines taken down were to be re-installed and the regiment got ready to be moved.

Next I went to the AA&QMG, Lieutenant Colonel Masood, Artillery, and told him that I required 16,800 gallons of 80 octane petrol for the operation. The AA&QMG, with a bleak look, told me he knew nothing about the requirement and did not have any petrol. I took him to the colonel staff, Colonel Wajid Ali Shah, the AA&QMG and the colonel staff held a discussion and the AA&QMG told me he would have the petrol moved to Masitwari Bhit and my tanks could pick it up from there. It was obvious that the logistics of the operation had not been planned. I left the division headquarters to have my tank engines put back and to collect my task force.

The GHQ orders for the 18 Division had been brought by hand from GHQ. When the 18 Division ‘O’ Group, commanders who were to receive the orders from the division commander, assembled, the PAF Liaison Officer, a wing commander, stood up and announced that the PAF would not be able to provide support in the operational area of 18 Division because the Jacobabad airfield had not been activated. This announcement led the brigade commanders to request the GOC that the proposed offensive operations of the division be cancelled or postponed because of the lack of the necessary air support. A word had spread amongst the officers attending the ‘O’ Group that the division was to undertake an offensive operation in the rear of the enemy division deployed facing Rahim Yar Khan. The GOC telephoned the CGS, Lieutenant General Gul Hassan and after the conversation told the ‘O’ Group that his orders were that he had to conduct the operation without the air support, in the ‘national interest’. The Brigade commanders then suggested that since there was every likelihood of the operation being unsuccessful the GOC should refuse to conduct them as on the failure of the operations he would be blamed. The general told the officers that if he refused to conduct the operations the whole army would label him as a person who lost his nerve when he was called upon to conduct operations to which he had agreed and planned and therefore the division would conduct the offensive plan.

The plan made by the Major General B. M . Mustafa required an initial approach march up to the border, then 51 Brigade commanded by Brigadier Tariq Mir, with two battalions, and 22 Cavalry under command was to bypass Loganewala and go to Ramgarh to position itself to counter any reaction from the Indian 12 Division which was expected to be deployed on border facing Rahim Yar Khan. The third battalion of 51 Brigade was a East Bengal Regiment battalion, it was placed in a defensive position with a minefield around it, effectively neutralising it. I was to command a task force consisting of 38 Cavalry less squadron, 1 Punjab ex-206 Brigade and a mortar battery and was to follow 51 Brigade till the metalled road connecting Loganewala and Jaisalmir was reached and then head for the Jaisalmir airfield. 206 Brigade, commanded by Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab, later lieutenant general, was to leave one battalion to cover the routes to Rahim Yar Khan and with the third battalion was to capture Loganewala and form a firm base.

After these orders were issued Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab objected to 38 Cavalry being sent to Jaisalmir with mechanically unsound tanks, the GOC changed the grouping, gave the Jaisalmir airfield neutralisation to 28 Baluch less company, Recce and Support battalion, with two infantry companies ex-206 Brigade, a mortar Battery, and placed 38 Cavalry under command of 51 Brigade up to Longewala.

The Way it Was - 2

The orders received from the GHQ differed from the plan which had been discussed by the GOC with Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and myself. The premise of our planning was based on making an approach march of about fifty miles to the border on the night D minus 1 and D-day and another march of about forty miles to Ramgarh and sixty miles to Jaisalmir on the night D-day and D plus 1. In the orders received from GHQ the approach march was to start at 1530 hours on D-day, 3 December, the international boundary which was the start line, was to be crossed at 2130 hours and the advance was to continue to Ramgarh and Jaisalmir, thus requiring the division to carry out a hundred and twenty mile march in one night. On a good metalled road this would have been difficult, in the desert moving cross country it was impossible. The GSO 1, an officer of the Azad Kashmir Forces and who had attended the staff course with me, solved the difficult movement problem by just increasing the speed and the number of vehicles to a mile, that is, shortening the distance between vehicles.
On 2 December, in the morning I held a durbar and informed the regiment that we would be going deep into Indian territory. I told them that the tanks would move by train to Reti, from there on tracks to Khenju where they would refuel and continue to the border, refuel again and go to Jaisalmir. I was worried that some of the men would not accept this and may use their personal weapons on officers or JCOs. I told the regiment that due to the shortage of weapons all the officers, JCOs and men did not have personal weapons therefore all personal weapons will be deposited in the kotes with the rear party. I also told them that my second in command would be at the tail of the regiment and he had my instructions to shoot anyone running away.

Two or three days earlier 2nd Lieutenant Javed Iqbal had joined the regiment from PMA and since I could not use him to command a tank, I gave him the command of the reconnaissance troop of the regiment and told him how the troop was to be employed and controlled. Captain Tariq Javed Shuja Bhatti who had a vehicle accident a few days earlier and was in hospital with a broken arm ran away from the hospital and rejoined the regiment to take part in the operations.

Later on 2 December I was informed that 38 Cavalry was placed under command of 51 Brigade and I went to the 51 Brigade headquarters to attend the brigade commander’s orders, Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed was already there, he took me aside and told me that the brigade commander had lost his nerve. After a little while Brigadier Tariq Mir came to the tent where all the officers had collected to hear his orders, he was looking visibly shaken, the GSO 3 laid out the maps on the table, the maps had blank squares across the border and did not show any terrain features where the Brigade operations were to be conducted. The battle procedure is that when a commanding officer goes to a superior commander’s headquarters to receive orders, his intelligence officer accompanies him, to collect necessary maps and mark enemy dispositions. Neither the divisional staff nor the Brigade staff carried out this drill. The divisional ‘O’ Group met at 1100 hours, the 53 Brigade ‘O’ Group at 1900 Hours on 2 December, there was a lot of time in which maps could have been collected. I put my map on the table, it had terrain features on both sides of the border, and we started discussing the operation. It was soon apparent that the brigade commander’s mind had stopped working completely.

Nothing was known about the Indian deployment, I told the brigade commander that my guess was that an infantry battalion and a tank squadron would be at Loganewala protecting the left flank of the Indian division deployed in the Ramgarh area facing Rahim Yar Khan. I suggested to him that he advances along the track going from Masitwari Bhit to the road connecting Jaisalmir with Loganewala with 22 Cavalry and an infantry battalion on the tanks, bypass Loganewala and continue to Ramgarh, 38 Cavalry with an infantry battalion to follow and to attack and capture Loganewala or wait for the arrival of 206 Brigade which was to follow 51 Brigade, no one objected and the brigade commander accepted the plan.

When the ‘O’ Group dispersed the artillery regiment commander asked me for my map saying that his guns could not fire with a map that did not have the land features.

According to the divisional plan, 38 Cavalry tanks were to move by train and arrive at Reti at 1800 hours. At about 1730 hours I arrived at Reti station and asked the station master when the tank train from Sadiqabad was expected, he reported that he had no knowledge of any tank train coming from Sadiqabad, I realised that the AA&QMG had not informed the railway that a tank train had to be moved. I then spoke to the railway Division controller in Sukkur and he also told me that he had no intimation that a tank train had to be moved from Sadiqabad to Reti. After a lot of threatening and shouting the controller agreed to move the train from Sadiqabad to Reti.

At the Reti station, a goods train was standing on the siding where the tank unloading ramp was located and the station master said that he had no ‘power’, meaning a locomotive, with which to move the goods train to another siding. While we were discussing this problem he started going through the procedure to allow a train coming from Sukkur to pass through without stopping. I made him stop the train and made him use its locomotive to move the goods train. By the time goods train was moved it was dark and a message was received by the station master that trains would run without lights, the passenger train that I had stopped moved out of Reti with the locomotive lights off and at a level crossing a mile from the station it collided with a 22 Cavalry vehicle, the Bengali Regimental Quartermaster Daffadar Technical of 22 Cavalry who was in the vehicle was killed. At about nine o’clock the tank train with 14 tanks of 38 Cavalry whose engines had been hurriedly refitted without cleaning the filters, arrived and the tanks were off loaded.

From the Reti railway station the 38 Cavalry tanks moved along the track and the canal bank road taken by 22 Cavalry to Khenju, after going some distance along the canal bank a 22 Cavalry tank was found broken down on the canal bank, getting around it we continued. About a mile short of Khenju a tank stopped, it had run out of petrol because the tank commander had not topped up his tank as ordered. The column continued to Khenju where Major Zia Uddin Javed, my second in command was waiting with lorries loaded with petrol, the tanks were refuelled and petrol was sent to the tank which had stopped on the way.

From Khenju the desert track started, the tanks in low gear started grinding their way to Gabbar, at 0100 hours on 4 December we reached Gabbar, 19 miles from the border, we were running about five hours behind the schedule of the division and expected 22 Cavalry to have reached the border, I was surprised when I found 22 Cavalry in a leaguer. Thirteen out of the fourteen tanks which had started from Reti reached Gabbar, I reported our arrival to the GOC who was there and he told me that 22 Cavalry and 38 Cavalry were the only troops that had reached Gabbar. At 0400 hours on 4 December the GOC decided to call off the operation for that day and ordered 22 Cavalry and 38 Cavalry to disperse in the Gabbar area.

In the morning when I went around the regiment I discovered that one tank had entered a fenced area marked as a minefield, the tank was carefully reversed out of the minefield. That whole day we waited for the Indian Air Force but no aircraft came. Since the operation was to be resumed at last light I decided to top up the tanks again, there was no sign of the petrol promised by the AA&QMG, a search of the area revealed civilian petrol tankers stuck in the sand on the desert track from the Dharki gas field to Gabbar. I sent a message to Risaldar Major Mazhar Ali Khan who was with the rear party at Manthar, he conducted a raid on the EME Battalion, collected all the 6x6 vehicles, loaded them up with petrol drums and brought them to Gabbar where our tanks topped up.

I then went to look for the tank that had broken down between Khenju and Gabbar, I found it a few miles from Khenju with the engine seized. I looked for the truck with the spare engines, it was standing a few miles from Khenju, the wheeled crane that was accompanying it, a Tatra with low ground clearance, was stuck in the sand. I had not checked what sort of vehicle the EME Battalion had sent and they instead of sending a M 72 with good cross country performance had sent a vehicle with almost no cross country performance, this finished my scheme of replacing seized engines.

During the day the brigade commanders talked to the GOC into abandoning the attack on the Jaisalmir airfield, 1 Punjab was reverted to the command of 206 Brigade and we received instructions from the division headquarters that the operation would be continued after last light. At Gabbar just before last light 38 Baluch, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Anwar Shah, joined 22 Cavalry and a battery of 130 mm guns passed through to Masitwari Bhit. At last light, 22 Cavalry with 38 Baluch mounted on the tanks moved off and 38 Cavalry followed, at about 2100 hours 38 Cavalry reached Masitwari Bhit and found 22 Cavalry in a leaguer topping up their tanks with the diesel that they had carried on the tanks.

I met Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and he told me that Brigadier Tariq Mir, the brigade commander, was behaving very badly and saying that he had no intention of going beyond Loganewala. I met Brigadier Tariq Mir and he told me that he was not going to advance to Ramgarh, that he would go to Loganewala only. I told him that he did not have anything to fear and a squadron and a company astride the Loganewala - Jaisalmir road would give him ample protection to advance to Ramgarh. At about 2300 hours 51 Brigade moved off.

Six tanks of 38 Cavalry and the reconnaissance troop had reached Masitwari Bhit which was five miles short of the point where we were to cross the border. A platoon of a Punjab battalion of 206 Brigade, one lost FOO (forward observation officer) of the Artillery and Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab had joined us, the battery of 130 mm guns which had arrived at Gabbar in the evening was deployed there. While we were waiting for more tanks to join us, one of my officers, Captain Tariq Khalil started making the most awful noise and complained of a stomachache, I allowed him to seek medical aid and the next time I saw him was after the ceasefire.

The operation so far had been a movement fiasco. 206 Brigade was to move from Manthar on a canal bank road to Khenju, the canal bank road had covered water channels which was not designed for heavy traffic and broke under the weight of the leading troop-carrying vehicle and the others could not follow. The troop-carrying vehicles were ordinary civilian goods trucks which had been requisitioned after the emergency was declared on 1 December. The division commander had talked about requisitioning a large number of farm tractors with trailers that the local cultivators had, none were requisitioned, again obviously bad planning. 20 FF, a battalion of 206 Brigade, was not provided with transport and started off on foot, en route the transport vehicles joined them but they were civilian 4x2 vehicles and could not negotiate the desert track, when they got stuck, the commanding officer marched his battalion, the only case of marching ‘to the sound of the guns’ that I have known in the Pakistan Army.

At about 0200 on 5 December, Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab and I, at Masitwari Bhit, discussed our situation and decided that it was unlikely that anyone else would join us and the best thing to do was to follow 51 Brigade with the troops that were with us. In frustration Brigadier Jahanzeb ordered the 130 mm battery to fire one round gunfire at Loganewala, an irresponsible act because it would warn the Indians or hit our troops. .

I gave out my orders, 2nd Lieutenant Javed Iqbal with the reconnaissance troop was to lead, the regimental headquarters was to follow and Major Javed Hussain was to follow with the six tanks. Here I noticed that Major Javed Hussain, whom I had to drive hard to get any work out of him and would have placed him on adverse report if the operation had not begun for a few days, was the most active officer and volunteered for all the jobs.

We crossed the border, I had gone about two miles beyond it when I found 2nd Lieutenant Javed Iqbal coming back, I stopped him and asked him what was wrong. He told me that all the jeeps of the reconnaissance troop had disappeared, I realised that the NCOs commanding the reconnaissance jeeps had driven off the track that was being followed and hidden their vehicles, I told Major Javed Hussain to take over the lead. Major Javed Hussain went 18 miles across the border, along the way four tanks broke down, two miles short of the metal road Jaisalmir - Loganewala, only two runners were left and he called a halt. I passed all the tanks which had broken down, Lieutenant Shahid Ansari’s tank had thrown a track which could easily have been repaired but none of the tanks had any tools necessary to break a track, two had seized engines and one had broken down on the crest of a high ridge with a transmission fault. Major Javed Hussain had stopped the remaining two tanks in a valley, the next ridge line, Kharo Tar, was the highest before the Loganewala - Jaisalmir road.

At about 0730 hours explosions were heard from the direction of Loganewala and columns of smoke started rising, I, in my rover, with my adjutant Captain Pervez Khan, drove towards the smoke columns, the first sign of the battle was two 22 Cavalry wounded men walking back. We arrived on a ridge overlooking the Loganewala - Jaisalmir metalled road and from there we could see five of the 22 Cavalry tanks and one Indian tank burning.

Four Hawker Hunters were in the air rocketing and strafing, we dismounted from the jeep and sat on the ground to wait out the air attack. When I looked around I found my driver, with his head in a bush and his bottom sticking in the air, I walked over and kicked him in his behind, he extricated himself and stupidly grinned at me, I told him to sit down and keep watching the aircraft, if they lined up to fire in his direction to take cover. After firing all their rockets and machine gun ammunition the Indian aircraft went away. A little later a helicopter took off from the base of the hill on which Loganewala was located, later I learnt that Major General Mustafa had come and ordered Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed to capture Loganewala, and complained that 51 Brigade was not in communication with him.

Looking down from the hill on which we had stopped we could see troops but could not make out whether they were ours or Indians. We did not have binoculars and weapons, the signal corps wireless operator on my jeep had a rifle. I was wondering what to do when I saw a soldier walking in our direction and when he had come some distance towards us we recognised him as one of ours and drove down and found ourselves in the 51 Brigade headquarters. Apparently someone in the brigade headquarters had recognised the bomber pilots leather jacket that I was wearing and sent a man to call us. I met the brigade commander and asked him what the situation was and he told me he did not know, so I decided to drive to Loganewala.

I drove towards Loganewala and at the base of the hill on which Loganewala was located, two companies of 38 Baluch and a squadron of 22 Cavalry, commanded by Major Talat Saeed, were formed up to attack Loganewala. Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed met me and told me that he would be launching an attack on Loganewala in a little while. I had been the commanding officer of 22 Cavalry till May 1970, I went from tank to tank, met the crews and Major Talat Saeed who was unshaven but had a wide grin on his face, in spite of having lost eleven tanks, 22 Cavalry was in fine spirits. When I returned to the place where I had left Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed. I found him with Brigadier Tariq Mir arguing vehemently, in fact abusing the brigadier. The brigade commander had ordered the cancellation of the attack while Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed wanted to attack, the Indians in Loganewala were waving white flags but none of us had the sense to talk to them under a flag of truce.

22 Cavalry was organised in four squadrons for this operation and each squadron carried a company of 38 Baluch. The regiment reached the Loganewala - Jaisalmir road three miles south of Loganewala at about 0200 hours, just about then the 130 mm salvo, fired on the orders of Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab, landed. The Loganewala defences facing our borders had been completely bypassed and 22 Cavalry was in the rear of the defences. The brigade commander was not there and in his absence, the commanding officers of 22 Cavalry and 38 Baluch decided to clear Loganewala before advancing to Ramgarh. ‘A’ Squadron, 22 Cavalry, commanded by Major Muhammad Sikander Zai, left a troop on the road Loganewala - Jaisalmir, moved towards Loganewala, drew anti-tank fire and deployed on the road Loganewala - Ramgarh. Another squadron cut off the road to Tanot, completely surrounding Loganewala. At 0700 hours ‘B’ Squadron and ‘B’ Company, 38 Baluch attacked Loganewala, the enemy opened fire with some anti-tank guns and machine guns. Captain Waheed, a Bengali officer of 22 Cavalry knocked out an AMX 13 tank that came out of the defences, then six Hawker Hunters arrived and destroyed five tanks with rockets and due to strafing the Baluch company went to the ground. ‘B’ Squadron suffered 4 killed and 4 wounded. Half an hour later 22 Cavalry formed up to attack again but a second air strike knocked out six tanks. At about 0900 hours 22 Cavalry again formed up to attack but Brigadier Tariq Mir overruled Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed in the argument that I had witnessed, and ordered the tank regiment to withdraw the squadrons cutting off the Loganewala - Tanot and the Loganewal - Ramgarh road and to concentrate in the area around the brigade headquarters. In the two subsequent air attacks 22 Cavalry lost six more tanks bringing the day’s losses to 17 tanks, 10 killed and 17 wounded.

The Indian Air Force which appeared a little after seven o’clock, flying without any opposition from the Pakistan Air Force, had four Hawker Hunters circling well away from Loganewala and our positions. One army aviation light aircraft also circled well away. Anything that moved was immediately attacked, otherwise the Hunters circled for their endurance and before returning to their base attacked the tanks that had been located. There were periods of about twenty minutes in which there were no aircraft over the battlefield, the last Indian air attack came about an hour before sunset on that day.

Later people commenting on the Loganewala battle, alleged that 22 Cavalry did not use their anti-aircraft machine guns. In the first air attack they found that their anti-aircraft machine guns had jammed due to the sand raised by the tanks in the long approach march in the desert, five tank commanders were killed trying to cock the jammed machine guns with their feet. Subsequently the guns were washed with diesel and fired and after the 550 rounds machine gun ammunition per gun finished the 100 mm main gun was fired at maximum elevation in frustration. Trials, when I had just taken over the command of 22 Cavalry, had proved beyond any doubt that the 12.7 mm and the .5 inch anti-aircraft guns of World War II vintage were useless against modern aircraft releasing their rockets and pulling up about five thousand metres from the tank.

At about 1200 hours after witnessing the breaking of the contact with the enemy by 22 Cavalry at Loganewala I went back to where Major Javed Hussain had halted his tanks and found Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab there. I recounted the details of the affair at Loganewala, he decided to go to the 51 Brigade headquarters and I accompanied him. We found the 51 Brigade deployed astride the Loganewala-Jaisalmir road out of contact with Loganewala, Brigadier Tariq Mir told us that an Indian brigade had linked up with Loganewala. While we were at the 51 Brigade headquarters a helicopter piloted by Captain Maqbool, 12 Cavalry, later lieutenant general, landed with an order from Major General Mustafa ordering 51 Brigade to capture Loganewala and Ghotaru, about ten kilometres from Loganewala on the road to Jaisalmir. On receiving the division commander’s order Brigadier Tariq Mir announced that he would not comply with the orders because the Indians were now too strong for his brigade to attack.

The Indian aircraft again attacked and Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab and I went into the same trench, there I told him that it would be a shame if we withdrew after coming 20 miles across the border and losing so many tanks. He said that he was not in command and could not do anything. I told him that as the senior brigadier he should take over the command and try to retrieve the situation. He told me that I was going to get him into trouble but with a little persuasion he agreed to assume command.

After the air attack was over Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab informed Brigadier Tariq Mir that he would attack Loganewala with 206 Brigade and ordered Lieutenant Colonel Shah, the commanding officer of 28 Baluch the Reconnaissance and Support Battalion of 18 Division to advance along the Loganewala- Jaisalmir road and capture Ghotaru, Lieutenant Colonel Shah, saluted the commander 206 Brigade and disappeared. He was not seen till well after the ceasefire and when questioned stated that he understood that he was to make a wide outflanking movement to Ghotaru by withdrawing to the Sadiqabad-Sukkur road.

Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab returned to the point where my tanks had halted, the two infantry battalions of 206 Brigade, I Punjab and 10 Punjab had arrived. He made a detailed plan and gave out his orders to the brigade. At about 1700 hours he explained the details of the plan to me and told me to go to 51 Brigade, explain the plan to the brigade commander and ask him to mark the ‘forming up place’ (FUP), to provide guides and ask for a squadron of 22 Cavalry to support the attack. He set the ‘H’ hour at 0300 hours on 6 December.

I reached the 51 Brigade area at about 1800 hours, it had got dark and I ran into the 22 Cavalry leaguer. I met Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and explained the 206 Brigade commander’s plan, he told me that Brigadier Tariq Mir had decided to withdraw across the border and was not likely to change his mind. I went to the 51 Brigade headquarters and explained the attack plan to Brigadier Tariq Mir and told him the requirements from 51 Brigade. He said he was withdrawing across the border and remained adamant about it. I argued that 206 Brigade was moving and if 51 Brigade started withdrawing, the two brigades would be moving in the opposite directions and there would be no troops on the ground. He told me to go back and tell 206 Brigade not to move. At about 1900 hours 51 Brigade started moving back along the track that they had advanced on the previous night and passed through the advancing 206 Brigade on Kharo Tar, a high ridge line just ahead of the point where my tanks had stopped. Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab decided to take up a defensive position on this feature. 51 Brigade deployed a few miles further back and 22 Cavalry moved across the border during the night.

At about 1130 hours on 6 December the Indians made contact with the 206 Brigade position on Kharo Tar with a force that included some tanks but they kept out of small arms range and there was no artillery fire from both sides. Major General Mustafa drove over at about mid-day and ordered Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab to regain the Loganewala- Jaisalmir road line and 51 Brigade to prepare a depth defensive position.

Later in the afternoon the GOC changed his mind and sent an order ordering a general withdrawal across the border, when I learnt about it I drove to the division headquarters at Gabbar and met the general. He said that he had ordered a general withdrawal and for all ranks to fire at aircraft with their personal weapons. I told him that if there was a general withdrawal the troops would not stop this side of the Indus and if the order to fire at aircraft was implemented the troops would fire off their ammunition and run away. I asked the general to cancel both orders and suggested a planned fighting withdrawal with the two brigades withdrawing through each other. What I had stated was correct as later events proved, but my motive was that 38 Cavalry tanks were lying broken down between Gabbar and Kharo Tar and they would all have been lost. I also asked for assistance in recovering the tanks. The GOC agreed with me and immediately sent an order cancelling the general withdrawal and his order to engage aircraft with personal weapons. The general complained that from the first day there had been no communication with 51 Brigade. I told him that I would see what could be done about it.

While driving to the division headquarters at Gabbar, I saw the 18 Division Supply and Transport battalion transport vehicles stopped on the track along which we had advanced. I stopped and ordered my driver to see if he could start a vehicle, on checking some of the vehicles it was found that water had been let out of the radiator, my driver got in a vehicle and its driver came running, he was hiding in the bushes. While we were driving to the division headquarters Indian aircraft attacked, we stopped and I watched the aircraft circling, lining up and strafing. After a while I realized that my driver was missing, I looked around I found him walking from bush to bush kicking the behinds of the Army Service Corps drivers who were doing the same thing that he had done the previous day and had his bottom booted.

By the morning of 7 December the 206 Brigade’ position had stabilised; the Indians were content in maintaining contact and made no effort to push forward. 38 Cavalry was now supplied with the few vehicles that we had, the Dodge Power Wagons, the wonderful desert vehicle, came in very handy. Captain Bhatti used one to provide us with food cooked in Sadiqabad, he got hold of a lot of sugar from somewhere and fed us ‘meethi roti’, I don’t know how we survived without salt but he delivered food and water to all the tank crews between Gabbar and Kharo Tar. Although night movement by vehicles was possible no effort was made to run night convoys, the infantry brigades suffered from the want of water and food. On 7 December a cry went up that the 206 Brigade units had run out of ammunition, I made my Dodges available and ammunition was brought from Sadiqabad.

On 7 December there was an air attack on the two tanks which were standing in the valley behind the Kharo Tar. I with a few others was watching the aircraft when we saw them line up to attack us and we dived into trenches. The aircraft fired its machine guns, Naib Risaldar Fazal Elahi, who had driven his tank himself from Masitwari Bhit where it gave transmission trouble, was standing near a tank next to me, either out of bravado or paralysed by fear he did not move, he was hit and killed, the only fatality from 38 Cavalry in this operation. Also on this day the tanks which had been left behind in Manthar because their engines were out were hurriedly organised into a squadron under Major Karim and moved into counter penetration positions on the approaches to Rahim Yar Khan.

I observed that the Indian aircraft were attacking my tanks from one direction only, I told Major Javed Hussain to take a reconnaissance jeep with .50 machine gun fitted and position himself below the point from where the Indian aircraft were engaging us and fire at them, he did this, fired one belt after which the Indian aircraft left us alone.

During the day I sent my adjutant, Captain Perwez, with my command vehicle and told him to net the wireless set with the 51 Brigade and then take the vehicle to the 18 Division tactical headquarters at Gabbar. For several hours Captain Perwez tried to establish communications with 51 Brigade, every time the command vehicle moved about a mile it went out of communication, Captain Pervez came back and reported this to me, I could not understand why this should have happened.

In the afternoon it was reported to me that 2nd Lieutenant Javed Iqbal had been wounded and after a while he was brought to the regimental headquarters with a bullet wound in the shoulder. I asked him how he had managed it, he told me that he had taken a machine gun from the reconnaissance troop, a 2nd lieutenant from 1 Punjab had taken a rocket launcher and they had gone tank hunting, when they thought that they were close enough to the tank they had fired a rocket and missed the tank. The tank fired back and hit him, only 2nd lieutenants could get up to that sort of thing, I drove him to the ‘advanced dressing station’ at Masitwari Bhit and he was evacuated.

At Kharo Tar 206 Brigade continued to hold its position. The brigade headquarters was located just off the track going to Loganewala and Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab could be seen standing there all day, I walked up the hill, met him and told him that he was visible for miles and was likely to be shot if he did not take cover, he replied that if he did not make himself visible the brigade would run away. A few days later he did get wounded and when he was being evacuated, a havildar, at gun-point, tried to get into the ambulance and was restrained with great difficulty.

One of my tanks had broken down on the crest of the ridge before Kharo Tar with a transmission fault, on the night of 8/9 December 206 Brigade was to withdraw from its position and the tank had to be destroyed. Before preparing it for destruction, I laid its gun for indirect fire on Loganewala and fired all its HE ammunition, an enemy battery sent a salvo in return but it landed about a half a mile away. After firing all the HE ammunition and removing everything that could be carried I prepared it for destruction and told the withdrawing infantry to drop a grenade in the turret when they left.

On the night of 8/9 December 206 Brigade withdrew from Kharo Tar and passed through the 51 Brigade position. I moved my headquarters, the reconnaissance troop and my two running tanks to Masitwari Bhit. Two tanks, one at Kharo Tar which I had prepared for destruction and Lieutenant Ansari’s tank with a thrown track had to be destroyed. 51 Brigade took over the front and in the afternoon Brigadier Tariq Mir reported two tank regiments turning his flanks to cut him off. 22 Cavalry was moved from the Gabbar area to counter this, they promptly came under air attack and lost another tank. The two tank regiments were a figment of the brigade commander’s imagination.

Withdrawing from Kharo Tar we arrived at Masitwari Bhit at night. To defend my tanks from the Indian aircraft, I had the .50 machine guns dismounted and positioned for firing at some distance from the tanks. In the morning the Indian aircraft attacked, my tank was still one of the two running tanks, that morning I had taken off my bomber pilots leather jacket and left it on the .50 machine gun mount, the attacking aircraft put a cannon bullet through my jacket and a rocket hit the open tank commander cupola flap breaking the hinge and sending the flap flying. The machine guns fired from the emplacements and for the rest of the day the aircraft left us alone.

A little distance from my regimental headquarters at Masitwari Bhit the divisional gun area was located, to defend it against air attacks the training guns of the Anti-Aircraft School were deployed, they fired single shots but were enough to prevent the Indians from attacking the gun area.

On the night of 11/12 December I withdrew my regimental headquarters to Gabbar, while moving back I passed 2nd Lieutenant Shahadat Sher Lodi, later lieutenant colonel, trudging along on foot in front of his tank which was being towed by a small tracked dozer at the speed of about two miles an hour.

On the morning of 12 December I went to find out where the ‘forward defended localities’ (FDLs) were located. Major General Mustafa was standing where he had located his tactical headquarters, as I approached him with my second in command, Major Zia Ud Din Javed, someone whispered to me that the general had been relieved of his command and Major General Abdul Hamid Khan had taken over the command of 18 Division. I went and met Major General Mustafa, and asked the GSO 2 (Intelligence), who was standing with the general, where the FDLs were located. The general heard me, indicated the GSO 2 and himself and said that they were the FDL and there was nothing forward of them. Major General Abdul Hamid Khan, the new GOC, had come to Gabbar the previous day and ordered a general withdrawal. What followed was comparable with the famous ‘Gazala Gallop’ in the North African desert during the Second World War. In the ‘Gabbar Gallop’ both the brigades took off, later some men were rounded up and brought back from the Punjab Regimental Centre at Mardan.

The Way it Was - 3

When I heard that there were no troops ahead of where we were standing I called my Technical Officer Captain Muhammad Nawaz Saqi Gujar and ordered him to recover one tank of ours which was left between Gabbar and Masitwari Bhit. Captain Nawaz and a recovery team left immediately, a little while later news came that the vehicle that Captain Nawaz had gone in had run over a mine and he and the EME recovery crew were injured. I took a vehicle and about two miles ahead found one of our Dodges smashed and Captain Nawaz with a broken leg, I brought him back, borrowed the helicopter that had come to take Major General Mustafa back and sent Captain Nawaz to the Main dressing station at Sadiqabad. The divisional engineers had been ordered to lay a minefield ten miles ahead of Gabbar on the Masitwari track. But they had thrown the mines across the track about two miles ahead of Gabbar. The tank was later recovered.
While we were waiting for the helicopter to return, on the divisional command net information came from 51 Brigade that an enemy armoured brigade was advancing. An Army Aviation L-19, flown by some Naval officers, was there. I asked Major Zia Ud Din Javed, who was an Army Aviation pilot, to take the plane and check where the enemy tanks were located and which way they were heading. After about half an hour Major Zia Ud Din Javed returned and told us that there were no tanks, a lot of camels were hobbled behind a hill and that he was lucky to get back as he had come under heavy anti-aircraft fire.

That night I pulled back to Khenju, all my recovered tanks were collected there and the replacement of the engines was started. I drove to the 18 Division headquarters and reported my tank state and told the new GOC that in a day or two I would have them all running again. I also offered the hull machine guns of the tanks mounted on a tripod with a gunner and .50 machine guns in the anti-aircraft role. The general studied his battle map and approved the location of the tanks at Khenju. He then told me that he was deploying a brigade at Gabbar and that if I was the enemy commander and had an armoured brigade what would I do. I told him that I would screen the Gabbar position and cut the National Highway and the main railway line between Dharki and Sukkur. I could see the shock on the GOC when I said this. The GOC then gave me an area of responsibility and told me to reconnoitre it which I did the next day.

When I was returning from reconnaissance in the evening I saw Indian transport aircraft flying in formation, I had a jeep with .50 machine gun but unfortunately the formation was well out of range. That evening I received a message that Dharki and Reti railway stations were constantly being attacked by Indian aircraft and to provide anti-aircraft defence, I sent .50 machine guns which were sited in the anti-aircraft role and fired once and the Indian aircraft did not return.

16 December 1971 was the day of the ‘jackal’. The radio announced that Lieutenant General ‘Tiger’ Niazi had surrendered to the Indians in Dacca. It was unbelievable, the shock of the defeat was intense. Months later we were to see on the television ‘tiger’ Niazi trying to hug Lieutenant General Aurora, getting pushed away and then signing the surrender and lowering of the Pakistan Flag. Also we were to read that he asked for a copy of the photograph of himself signing the surrender and autographed it for Aurora, who has the autographed photograph hanging in the study in his house in Delhi. A jackal had masqueraded as a tiger.

On the night of 16/17 December, General Yahya, the President of Pakistan, announced that Niazi had surrendered but the war in West Pakistan would go on. Two days later, to everyone’s surprise there was ceasefire, everyone was stunned, we were defeated and lost half the country.

On 19 December I received a message saying that my brother Captain Aijaz Alam had been killed in a tank battle that had taken place in the Zafarwal area. This message was passed on to Corps of Signal channels by Lieutenant Colonel Zaka Khan Afridi, who had served in the SSG with me.

In the war, we, eight brothers, were all serving with troops and had fought, Lieutenant Colonel Firoz Alam had commanded 36 FF, Squadron Leader Shuaib Alam, declared medically unfit for flying due to a heart condition, had volunteered to fly and had flown eight bombing missions, Major Shamim Alam Khan was a squadron commander in 29 Cavalry, Lieutenant Commander Shamoon Alam was on a Naval ship, Flight Lieutenant Aftab Alam had led the raid on Pathankot on 03 December, Captain Aijaz Alam was commanding a troop in 13 Lancers and 2nd Lieutenant Javed Alam was a battery officer in an artillery regiment.



I asked the GOC for a L-19 aircraft to go to Kharian for my brother’s funeral and on the 20th December flew to Sahiwal where we stopped for the night. I stayed with Lieutenant Colonel Saghir Hussain Syed, later lieutenant general, and there on the evening news heard that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had become the president, Lieutenant General Gul Hassan the Commander in Chief and that twelve generals had been sacked. The next day we flew to Kharian where I stayed one night and flew back the next day.

My mother was staying with Shuaib’s wife at the PAF base at Badabher, Peshawar, when she was informed that Aijaz had been killed in action. The PAF very kindly flew my mother to Chaklala, from there she went to Kharian to Shamim’s house. Aijaz, with his head bandaged, was brought to Shamim’s house, my mother held his hand and sat there all night, she had not shed a single tear since hearing the news, she said ‘ Aijaz was not dead, he was a ‘shaheed’. The next morning Aijaz was buried in the military graveyard of Kharian.

After I returned from Kharian, I was told to shift my regimental headquarters to Manthar where it was originally located. At Gabbar, before we pulled back to Khenju, I court martialled all the reconnaissance troop NCOs who had hidden their jeeps when they were ordered to advance on the night 4/5 December and reduced them to sowars. After arriving at Manthar I ordered the natures of all the tank breakdowns to be investigated, one tank was found to have been set on fire by its crew and disciplinary action was taken. One man had deserted and walked across the desert but was apprehended and returned to the regiment, he was also court martialled and sent to jail.

A few days after my headquarters moved to Manthar, Risaldar Major Mazhar Ali informed me that there were allegations of cowardice against Major Ghulam Mujtaba ‘A’ Squadron commander, whose squadron had been placed under command of 55 Brigade at Chhor. Knowing our infantry commanders, I was convinced that someone had given an outlandish order to the squadron commander, which he had refused to obey it and was charged with cowardice. I spoke to the GOC, got permission to visit the squadron and went to Chhor. There I went around the squadron and met the 55 Brigade commander, Brigadier Anwar ul Haq, the brigade had done well, the ‘A’ Squadron had also done well except for Major Mujtaba.

‘A’ Squadron was initially placed in the brigade reserve with 26 Baluch, on 5 December No 1 Troop was moved to Suruna Oudha on the left flank of the brigade and another troop was moved to New Chhor where the enemy was pressing hard. On 11 December one tank of 3 Troop was hit by a rocket and three of the crew members were seriously wounded. On 13 December, 2 Troop while moving to a new position was attacked by Indian aircraft and three crew members were killed. On 15 December all the tanks of the squadron with a company of 39 FF attacked BP 405 and it was occupied without opposition, later another attack by 45 Punjab was supported. There were two black marks against the squadron, the first one was that enemy tanks had come within their range and they had not engaged them, one T-55 tank was standing in the minefield laid by the brigade. The second black mark was that Major Mujtaba had gone into a bunker as soon as the fighting started and had not come out till the ceasefire, leaving his squadron to the devices of the troop leaders. After investigating I was convinced that the charge of cowardice against the officer was justified and told the brigade commander so. Major Ghulam Mujtaba was court martialled and dismissed from service.

A few days after the ceasefire it was decided that all the Bengalis would be separated and sent to camps to await repatriation to Bangladesh. I interviewed all the Bengalis individually, everyone of them wanted to go back and all of them were dispatched.

A few days after the announcement that Lieutenant General Gul Hassan was to take over as the Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed left 22 Cavalry to take over the charge of Personal Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief and Lieutenant Colonel Humayun Malik, later brigadier, who had served with me in the SSG took over the command of 22 Cavalry, Lieutenant Colonel A. G. Abid, later brigadier, who had been with me in 13 Lancers, replaced the GSO 1 in 18 Division.

Lieutenant General Gul Hassan visited 18 Division after assuming the charge of C-in-C, Colonel Mohammad Riaz, Artillery, later major general, the Deputy Director Military Operations, accompanied him. He and I had been in the same dormitory in Lawrence College where he was a year senior to me. I asked him about the 18 Division air support fiasco, he evaded the issue and refused to give a straight answer.

GHQ sent an inquiry team to investigate the 18 Division debacle, Major General Awan headed the team and Brigadier Aijaz Azim was one of the members. For the inquiry the GOC 18 Division formulated a peculiar rule, I was given a seat at the back and told that I was not to speak. Before the committee Colonel Wajid Ali Shah explained how the orders for the operation had been received, how the plan had been developed, what resources in transport, air support etc the GHQ had promised and did not provide. This was followed by Brigadier Tariq Mir who explained his difficulty and how fiercely the Indians had resisted at Loganewala, at this point I stood up and said what the Brigadier Tariq Mir was saying was not true, that I was there and there had been no artillery fire or any serious small arms fire. Brigadier Tariq Mir addressed Major General Abdul Hamid Khan and said that I was not supposed to speak, but Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab then spoke up and a verbal battle and recriminations followed. It became obvious that an effort was being made to cover up the shortcomings of Brigadier Tariq Mir and Major General Abdul Hamid Khan’s order for a ‘general withdrawal’ which led to the ‘Gabbar Gallop’.

Sometime after Lieutenant Colonel Humayun Malik took over the command of 22 Cavalry he told me that Major General Abdul Hamid Khan had come to visit 22 Cavalry and he accompanied the general showing him the tanks which were dispersed as a protection against air attack. He was walking along side the general when suddenly he found that the general had hit the ground and was lying there. He was puzzled for a while and then realised that the tank they were walking towards had an oil cooker burning and it was making a noise similar to a jet aircraft. Lieutenant Colonel A. G. Abid also told me a similar tale, the general had a deep trench dug outside the operations room tent in the division headquarters, one day a jet fighter flew over the headquarters and he promptly jumped into the trench, the trench was nearly six feet deep and two men had to be sent into it to get the general out.

In January there were rumours that something serious had happened in 6 Armoured Division but no one knew what exactly had happened, word also spread that Major General Jehanzeb who was commanding 1 Armoured Division had been retired and Brigadier Zia ul Haq had taken over the division.

Major General Abdul Hamid Khan left 18 Division to take over the command of 4 Corps where Lieutenant General Bahadur Sher had asked for retirement on the appointment of Lieutenant General Gul Hassan as the C- in-C. I went on a few days’ leave and shifted my family to Hyderabad. While on leave I received a message that I had been awarded ‘Tamgha- e- Pakistan’, I have yet to find out what it was for.

In the middle of February I was promoted colonel and posted as colonel staff 6 Armoured Division. I handed over the command of 38 Cavalry to Major Zia ud Din Javed and left for Kharian.

At my dining out Second Lieutenant Shahadat Sher Lodi asked me why I had not informed the general about the condition of the tanks, I could only say that we should have managed and done the job with what we had.

There has been a lot of controversy about the ‘71 war with India, the way it was fought and particularly the operations of 18 Division. At the outset it must be said that the war was fought under very trying conditions, the Bengali element could neither be trusted nor removed from their posts, plans had to be kept secret from them.

Almost everybody condemns the 18 Division operations, code named Labbaik, as an exercise in futility. The mission assigned to 18 Division was to ‘Defend the area of responsibility in order to ensure the security of the main lines of communications Karachi - Multan and be prepared to carry out the war into the enemy territory under favourable conditions.’ This implied the guarding of the 600 miles of road and rail communications which came precariously close to the border from Dharki to Rahim Yar Khan, the 18 Division attack surprised the Indians, it was a successful spoiling attack, the Indians never recovered their balance. The division’s mission was accomplished both on the Chhor front and the Sadiqabad-Rahim Yar Khan area.

Why was the 18 Division operation a fiasco? The plan, very bold in concept, was the brainchild of General Abdul Hamid Khan. Major General B. M. Mustafa who was to execute the plan, his divisional staff and brigade commanders had no knowledge of desert operations and how to move a division across the country. The general instead of making the necessary arrangements, ensuring that he had the right type of equipment for the desert, not fancy Tatra road bound vehicles and planning the logistics in detail, developed impractical ideas like using the hundreds of tractor drawn trolleys requisitioned from the local land owners. This in itself, could not be done till an emergency had been declared. The secrecy maintained by the division commander worked to defeat him. Colonel Wajid Ali Shah lacked an understanding of the nature of the operation and how it should have been executed, the plan was only in the minds of the GOC and the colonel staff. It was top secret, no details had been worked out, even after it became obvious from the news from East Pakistan that war was imminent, the division headquarters sat complacently. They had submitted a demand for hundreds of vehicles and innumerable other things and just waited for them to arrive and did not bother GHQ and GHQ did not bother. They did not innovate, a lot could have been done within the division. Risaldar Major Mazhar Ali showed more initiative than the divisional staff did in this respect when he commandeered the vehicles in the workshop to supply petrol to the 38 Cavalry. The GSO 1 and the AA&QMG did not know how to move a large body of troops, there was no traffic control, routes had not been reconnoitered by the staff and the commanders of the troops that were to make the march.

After the operations ended in a fiasco the brigade commanders claimed that they were not privy to the 18 Division plan to make a thrust to seize Ramgarh and Jaisalmir. There is evidence that Major General B. M. Mustafa had informed his brigade commanders because Brigadier Syed Mohammad Zaidi, 2nd PMA Course, who was commanding 206 Brigade, very strongly objected and stated that the divisional plans would end in fiasco. He was removed from his command and retired from service. We, the armoured regiment commanders, Lieutenant Colonel Akram Syed and I were briefed on 16 October and had carried out the necessary reconnaissance. The divisional artillery commander definitely knew about the proposed operation, yet 51 Brigade artillery did not have proper maps giving the terrain details on the other side of the border. Both 22 and 38 Cavalry had the required maps.

The brigade commanders on hearing that the promised air support would not be available, adopted a negative attitude towards operation. The key was the neutralization of the enemy air, the divisional commander had correctly appreciated this and earmarked a strong force for this. Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab argued against it and had the composition of the force earmarked to neutralise the Jaisalmir airfield changed and later on it was done away with completely.

In the conduct of the tactical battle, 22 Cavalry and 38 Baluch, after arriving at Loganewala did not put in a night attack, they had about three hours of darkness. Brigadier Tariq Mir’s conduct from the time he held his first ‘O’ Group before the commencement of the operation to the end of the operation was disgraceful. He called off the attack on Loganewala and refused to cooperate with Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab in the plan to attack Loganewala on the night of 5/6 December. Whenever he held the front in the withdrawal he reported an armoured brigade outflanking him, his brigade remained out of communication with the division throughout. After the ceasefire a Signal Corps NCO was charged with an offence, he threatened the brigade major that if disciplinary action was taken against him he would disclose the fact that the brigade major had kept his rear link set off and did not communicate with the division. There was a Mir Jaffar at Plassey and a Tariq Mir at Loganewala.

The commanding officer of 28 Baluch, the Reconnaissance and Support battalion of 18 Division when called upon to capture Ghotaru, pulled his battalion completely out of the operational area, which was a very irresponsible act by an officer in a very responsible position. All this happened because units and formations do not maintain a battle log, this allow people to lie and justify their actions.

After the war the Indian descriptions of the Loganewala battle admitted that the Indian 12 Division was deployed to attack and capture Sakhirewala, Islamgarh and Rahim Yar Khan with its main supply base at Ramgarh, Jaisalmir had almost no troops. At the Jaisalmir airbase there were six Hawker Hunter aircraft, including two 2-seater trainers. The Indian division commander was completely surprised, he did not believe the company commander at Loganewala that an armoured column had appeared at Loganewala and was threatening his supply base, our withdrawal was attributed to logistic failure.

The PAF was blamed for not providing the promised air support and jeopardising the whole operation. My younger brother, Squadron Leader Shuaib Alam was posted at the Air Headquarters, after the ceasefire I asked him why the air force had not provided the air support. He told me that the only airfield from which the air support could be provided was the Jacobabad airfield which was manned and equipped to receive aircraft. Aircraft from a squadron were earmarked but the necessary orders for them to move to Jacobabad were not issued by the C-in-C of the Air Force. The C-in-C, PAF is on record to have said that he met Lieutenant General Gul Hassan on 4 December and told him that he was not informed about the 18 Division plans and therefore air support could not be provided, with Jacobabad ready to receive aircraft the support could have been provided on 4 December or later from bases other than Jacobabad but no effort was made. When the Indian missile boats approached Karachi and were spotted by a PIA Fokker, the Navy asked for an air attack, the PAF Base commander got the aircraft ready and asked Air Marshal Rahim Khan for approval, he told the Base Commander to tell the Navy to fight its own battle, in the desert, too, he left the army to fight its own battle.

The 18 Division operation has also been criticised as an operation that did not fit in the army plan and was not necessary. The Pakistan Army plan in East Pakistan was to conduct fortress type defence for forty five days for which all logistic requirements had been made. In West Pakistan, the army launched attacks in Azad Kashmir and Chamb to tie down the Indian reserves, we gave ground in the Shakargarh area to draw in the Indian armour. The Indian armoured brigade located in Dera Baba Nanak area was fixed by positioning 6 Armoured Division at Gujranwala, the front between the Ravi and Sutlej was stable due to the BRB canal, the Indian 1 Armoured Division was located at Faridkot, the 18 Division attack was launched to draw the Indian 1 Armoured Division or part of it to Jaisalmir. Air photographs showed that it had started entraining but stopped when it became obvious that the 18 Division operation had failed.

The army plan was to create a gap by drawing away the Indian 1 Armoured Division to Jaisalmer. When the gap sought was not achieved due to the failure of 18 Division, the army plan was revised. 3rd Armoured Brigade from IV Corps was made the flank protection force for the II Corps offensive. On 16 December II Corps, consisting of 1 Armoured Division, 7 Division, 36 Division and 3rd Armoured Brigade was ordered to launch an offensive in the Bahawalnagar - Fort Abbas area. 1 Armoured Division was to move from its concentration area astride the Lodhran - Multan - Khanewal railway on the night of 16/17 December. A captain of 1 FF, commanding a train of his unit, drove the locomotive himself and derailed the train blocking the railway line. 3rd Armoured Brigade moved from Changa Manga to its concentration area with lights blacked out and had forty accidents in the approach march. The launching of the offensive was delayed by twenty four hours, the next night 1 Armoured Division could not move again, there seemed to be built-in hindrance to the execution of the army plans. On 18 December we asked for a ceasefire.

Lieutenant Colonel S. S. Islam, Corps of Signal, was the 1 Armoured Division Signal Battalion commander during the war. He was sacked by Major General Zia-ul-Haq and was posted as a GSO 1, Lahore Logistic Area, he met me just after he was posted to Lahore in 1973 and told me ‘your Armoured Division chickened out in the war’. He did not elaborate but probably would have done so later, a few days later he died of a heart attack.

In 1979 I had gone to Lahore, I with my younger brother, Lieutenant Colonel Firoz Alam, went to the airport to reserve a seat for my return to Karachi. When we were returning from the airport, my brother showed me a small house without a boundary wall and said that it was General Hamid’s house, I asked him to turn around and go to the house. It was two o’clock in the afternoon, we rang the bell and General Abdul Hamid Khan, the former Chief of Army Staff, came out and we sat and talked for about two hours about the war plans of the 1971 war, the disaster of 18 Division and the ceasefire. General Hamid held Major General Mustafa responsible for the disaster of 18 Division, he said that Major General Mustafa was a bad choice as the commander of 18 Division, he lost all sense of reality, he and his headquarters started fighting a telephone battle, giving exaggerated reports about the enemy and own casualties and asking for all sorts of assistance. I asked him why, after announcing on the 16th that the war in West Pakistan would continue, a ceasefire was announced two days later, his answer was that the generals were not obeying orders.

A system must be evolved to make officers accountable for their inactions and actions, rank should not absolve anyone from accountability.

The writer Brig Zahir Alam Khan is the eldest among the famous Alam Brothers of Pak Armed Forces:
  1. Brig Zahir Alam Khan
  2. Col Firoz Alam Khan
  3. Sq Ldr Shuaib Alam Khan
  4. Gen Shamim Alam Khan
  5. Vice Admiral Shamoon Alam Khan
  6. Wing Commander Aftab Alam Khan
  7. Flight Officer Mushtaq Alam Khan
  8. Capt Aijaz Alam Khan
  9. Lt Gen Javed Alam Khan

Battle of Longewala

The Battle of Longewala (4–7 December 1971) was one of the first major engagements in the western sector during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, fought between assaulting Pakistani forces and Indian defenders at the Indian border post of Longewala, in the Thar Desert of Rajasthan state in India.

"A" company of the Indian Army's 23rd battalion, Punjab Regiment, commanded by Major Kuldip Singh Chandpuri, was left with the choice of either attempting to hold out until reinforced, or fleeing on foot from a mechanised infantry Pakistani force. Choosing the former, Chandpuri ensured that all his assets were correctly deployed, and made the most use of his strong defensive position, and weaknesses created by errors in enemy tactics. He was also fortunate in that an Indian Air Force forward air controller was able to secure and direct aircraft in support of the post's defence until reinforcements arrived six hours later.

The Pakistani commanders made several questionable decisions, including a failure of their strategic intelligence to foresee availability of Indian strike aircraft in the Longewala area, exercising operational mobility with little or no route reconnaissance, and conducting a tactical frontal assault with no engineer reconnaissance. This led to the Pakistani brigade group being left extremely vulnerable to air attack, vehicles becoming bogged in terrain not suitable for the movement of armoured vehicles as they tried to deploy off a single track, these being more susceptible to enemy fire by using external fuel storage in tactical combat, attempting to execute a night attack over unfamiliar terrain, and infantry being surprised by obstacles to troop movement causing confusion and stalling the attack during the crucial hours of darkness, when the assaulting infantry still had a measure of concealment from Indian small arms and infantry support weapon fire.

The main thrust of the Indian Army during the 1971 war was directed towards the eastern theatre, with the western sector envisaged as a holding operation to prevent the Pakistan Army from achieving any success that would allow the President of Pakistan, Yahya Khan, any bargaining tool to trade against the captured territories in the east. By the last week of November 1971, the Indian Army had launched offensive manoeuvres at Atgram against Pakistani border posts and communications centres along the eastern border. The Mukti Bahini also launched an offensive on Jessore at this time. It was clear to Islamabad by this time that open conflict was inevitable, and that East Pakistan was indefensible in the long run. Yahya Khan chose at this point to try to protect Pakistan's integrity and to hold India by Ayub Khan's strategy – "The defence of East Pakistan lies in the West".

Khan's policy made the assumption that an open conflict with India would not last long due to International pressure, and that since East Pakistan was undefendable, the war-effort should be concentrated on occupying as large an area of Indian territory as possible as a bargaining tool at the negotiating table. To this end, Gen Tikka Khan had proposed an offensive into India, and the PAF's "overriding priority was to give maximum support to this offensive". The initial plans for the offensive called for at least a temporary cover of air dominance by the PAF under which Khan's troops could conduct a lightning campaign deep into Western India before digging in and consolidating their positions. To support Khan's troops, the PAF had launched pre-emptive strikes on the evening of 3 December that led to the formal commencement of hostilities. In the western theatre, the town of Rahim Yar Khan, close to the international border, formed a critical communication centre for Khan's forces and, situated on the Sindh — Punjab Railway, remained a vulnerable link on Khan's logistics. The fall of Rahim Yar Khan to Indian forces would cut off the rail as well as road link between Sindh and Punjab, starving Khan's forces of fuel and ammunitions delivered to Karachi.

Indian battle plans called for a strike across the international border with the 12th Indian division towards Islamgarh through Sarkari Tala, subsequently advancing through Baghla to secure Rahim Yar Khan, which would not only destabilise the Pakistani defences in the Punjab, but also in the Jammu & Kashmir Sector, allowing the planned Indian offensive in the Shakargarh sector to sweep the Pakistani forces trapped there.
Pakistan, which envisaged the Punjab as an operational centre, had a strong intelligence network in the area and planned to counter its own comparatively weak strength on the ground with a pre-emptive strike through Kishangarh towards the divisional headquarters south of Ramgarh Pakistani intelligence was able to infiltrate the operations area posing as local people and passing on information. However, these sources failed to pass on information on the Longewala post which, originally a BSF post, was now held by a company of the Punjab Regiment. Longewala formed a strategic point en route to capturing vast tracts of land and also a pivotal theatre of war in engaging India on the western front.

Pakistan's tactical plan was based on the assumption that an attack in the area would help Pakistan’s 1st Armoured Divisions task in the Sri Ganganagar area. Pakistan High command also felt that it was important to protect the North-South road link which they felt was vulnerable as it was close to the border. A Combined Arms Plan was decided upon. This involved two Infantry Brigades and two Armoured Regiments. A separate division, the 18 Division, was formed for this purpose. 18 Division Operation Orders required one Infantry Brigade (206) with an Armoured Regiment (38 Cavalry) to capture and establish a firm base at Longewala, a junction on the Indian road system and 51st Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Cavalry (Pakistan Army Armoured Corps) to operate beyond Longewala to capture Jaisalmer.

The Pakistani plan was to reach Longewala, Ramgarh and Jaisalmer. The plan was far-fetched from the start, if only because it called for a night attack to be conducted over terrain that was not preceded by route or engineer reconnaissance, and the armoured troops were therefore unaware of the ground surface that could not support rapid movement towards the objective. As the day unfolded, Longewala would stand out as one of the biggest losses in a battle for Pakistan despite overwhelming superiority before commencement of the battle, largely due to the vehicles becoming bogged down in soft sand.

On the Indian side, the post was held by the A company of the 23rd Battalion, Punjab Regiment, led by Major K S Chandpuri, the defences occupying a high sand dune which dominated the area that was largely intractable to vehicles. The post was surrounded by a barbed wire fence of three stands. The rest of the battalion was located at Sadhewala, 17 km north-east of the Longewala post. Chandpuri commanded an infantry company reinforced by a section each of MMGs and L16 81mm mortar, and one Jeep-mounted RCL. His two other recoilless rifle teams of the anti-tank section were under training at the battalion headquarters. Major Chandpuri also had under his command a four-man team of the camel Border Security Force division. The Longewala post had no armoured vehicles, but artillery support was available from a battery of 170 Field Regiment (Veer Rajput) tasked in direct support to the battalion, and 168 Field Regiment which had been deployed to the area in secrecy just a day earlier. The direct support battery was attached to the 168 Field Regiment and served as its "Sierra" Battery. Immediately after PAF strikes on Indian airfields on 3 December, Chandpuri dispatched a 20-man strong patrol under Lieutenant Dharam Veer to Boundary Pillar (BP) 638, on the international border. This patrol was to play an important part in detecting the advances of Pakistani forces.

During the night of the 4th, Lt. Veer's platoon conducting a patrol detected noises across the border that suggested a large number of armoured vehicles approaching. These were soon confirmed by reports — from the Army's Air Observation Post aircraft flown by Maj. Atma Singh — in the area of a 20 km long armoured column on the track leading to the post advancing in the general direction of the Longewala post. Directing Lt Veer's patrol to trail the advancing armoured column, Chandpuri got in touch with the battalion headquarters requesting urgent reinforcements and armour and artillery support. Battalion HQ gave him the choice of staying put, and containing the attack as much as possible, or carrying out a tactical retreat of the company to Ramgarh, as reinforcements would not be available for at least six hours. Considering that Chandpuri's command had no transportation, and was facing a mobile enemy, he decided to maintain the defensive position of the post where his troops at least had the benefit of prepared defensive works, rather than conducting a withdrawal at night that was a far riskier option.

The Pakistani forces began their attack at 12:30 am. As the offensive approached the lone outpost, Pakistani artillery opened up across the border with medium artillery guns, killing five of the ten camels from the BSF detachment. As the column of 45 tanks neared the post, Indian defences, lacking the time to lay a prepared minefield, laid a hasty anti-tank minefield as the enemy advanced, one infantryman being killed in the process. The Indian infantry held fire until the leading Pakistani tanks had approached to 15–30 metres before firing their PIATs. They accounted for the first two tanks on the track with their Jeep-mounted 106 mm M40 recoilless rifle, with one of its crew being killed during the combat. This weapon proved quite effective because it was able to engage the thinner top armour of the Pakistani tanks from its elevated position, firing at often stationary bogged down vehicles. In all the post defenders claimed 12 tanks destroyed or damaged. The initial Pakistani attack stalled almost immediately when the infantry discovered the barbed wire which was unseen in the night, and interpreted it to signify a minefield. Firing for the Indian RCL crews was made easier by the flames of fires when the spare fuel tanks on the Pakistani tanks, intended to supplement their internal capacity for the advance to Jaisalmer, exploded, at once providing ample light for Indians located on higher ground, and creating a dense acrid smoke screen at ground level for the Pakistani infantry, adding to the confusion. Two hours were lost as Pakistani sappers were brought up, only to discover there was no minefield. However, at this time Pakistani infantry were required to make another attack, from a different direction, but in the dawn light. The Pakistani advance then attempted to surround the post two hours later by vehicles getting off the road, but many vehicles, particularly armoured personnel carriers and tanks, in trying to soften up the Indian defenders before attacking, became bogged in the soft sand of the area surrounding the post. Throughout the engagement Major Chandpuri continued to direct the supporting artillery fire.

Although massively outnumbering the Indian defenders, and having surrounded them, the Pakistani troops were unable to advance over open terrain on a full-moon night, under small arms and mortar fire from the outpost. This encouraged the Indians not to give up their strong defensive position, frustrating the Pakistani commanders. As dawn arrived, the Pakistan forces had still not taken the post, and were now having to do so in full daylight.

In the morning the Indian Air Force was finally able to direct some HF-24 Maruts and Hawker Hunter aircraft to assist the post; they were not outfitted with night vision equipment, and so were delayed from conducting combat missions until dawn. With daylight, however, the IAF was able to operate effectively, with the strike aircraft being guided to the targets by the airborne Forward Air Controller (FAC) Major Atma Singh in a HAL Krishak. The Indian aircraft attacked the Pakistani ground troops with the 16 Matra T-10 rockets and 30 mm cannon fire on each aircraft. Without support from the Pakistan Air Force, which was busy elsewhere, the tanks and other armoured vehicles were easy targets for the IAF's Hunters. The range of the 12.7 mm anti-aircraft heavy machine guns mounted on the tanks was limited and therefore ineffective against the Indian jets. Indian air attacks were made easier by the nature of the barren terrain. Many IAF officers later described the attack as a 'Turkey Shoot' signifying the lopsidedness. By noon the next day, the assault ended completely, having cost Pakistan 22 tanks claimed destroyed by aircraft fire, 12 by ground anti-tank fire, and some captured after being abandoned, with a total of 100 vehicles claimed to have been destroyed or damaged in the desert around the post. The Pakistani attack was first halted, and then Pakistani forces were forced to withdraw when Indian tanks from division's cavalry regiment the 20 Lancers, Commanded by Col Bawa Guruvachan Singh, and the 17th Rajputana Rifles launched their counter-offensive to end the six-hour combat; Longewala had proved to be one of the defining moments in the war.

The battle of Longewala saw heavy Pakistani losses and low Indian casualties. Since the Indians were able to use the defenders' advantage, they managed to inflict heavy losses on the Pakistanis. Indian casualties in the battle were two soldiers along with one of their jeep mounted recoil-less rifles knocked out. Pakistani losses were 200 soldiers killed. The Pakistanis suffered the loss of 34 tanks destroyed or abandoned, and lost 500 additional vehicles. The judicial commission set up at the end of war recommended the commander of 18 division Major General Mustafa to be tried for negligence during the war.

Notwithstanding the Indian victory, there were intelligence and strategic failures on both sides. India's intelligence failed to provide warning of such a large armoured force in the western sector. Moreover, the defending post was not heavily armed to neutralise the enemy. Finally, they did not push home the advantage by destroying the fleeing Pakistani tanks while the IAF had them on the run. They did, however destroy or capture some 36 tanks, remaining one of the largest disproportionate tank casualties for one side in a single battle after World War II.

Invading Pakistan troops meanwhile, had underestimated the Longewala post's defensive capability due to the difficulty of approach over sand, conducting the attack at night and in full-moon light, against stiff resistance encountered there from a well prepared defensive position located on a dominant height. Attacking with virtually no air cover, they took too long to close for an assault on the position, and failed to anticipate availability of Indian close air support. Given that Pakistan's Sherman tanks and T-59/Type 59 Chinese tanks were slow on the sandy Thar desert, some military analysts have opined that the attack may have been poorly planned and executed given the terrain. Some Pakistani tanks suffered engine failures due to overheating in trying to extricate themselves, and were abandoned. The open desert battleground provided little to no cover for the tanks and infantry from air attacks. The plan to capture Longewala may have been good in conception, but failed due to lack of air cover. As a result, two tank regiments failed to take Longewala.

For his part, the Indian company commander Major (later Brigadier) Kuldip Singh Chandpuri was decorated with India's second highest gallantry award, the Maha Vir Chakra. Several other awards were earned by members of the defending company, and the battalion's commander. On the other hand, the Pakistani divisional commander was dismissed from service. However, the commander of the Pakistani 51 Brigade who mounted the daring attack and crossed into Indian territory was later awarded Pakistan's high award of the Sitara-e-Imtiaz.

The British media significantly exploited[clarification needed] the defence of Longewala. James Hatter compared the Battle of Longewala as to Battle of Thermopylae in his article Taking on the enemy at Longewala describing it as the deciding moment of the 1971 war. Similarly, Field Marshal R.M. Carver, the British Chief of the Imperial General Staff, visited Longewala a few weeks after the war to learn the details of the battle from Major Chandpuri.

In the early twenty-first century the battle was the subject of disagreement, some officers of the time ascribing all the combat success to the Air Force. This led to Kuldip Singh Chandpuri sueing for a token amount of one Rupee.

The Battle of Longewala was depicted in the 1997 Bollywood film Border, which was directed by J.P. Dutta and starred Sunny Deol as the Major Kuldip Singh Chandpuri, Jackie Shroff as the Wing Commander M.S. Bawa, Sunil Shetty as the Border Security Force Captain Bhairon Singh, and then the teen idol Akshaye Khanna as Lt. Dharam Veer Bhan. The main criticism of the movie was that it showed Indian forces being in a terrible position before any sort of help came from the Indian Air Force. The movie also exaggerates the casualties of Indian soldiers for dramatic purposes. This was not the case in the real incident as Indian forces had defended a position on a height that commanded the area, and were able to defend it effectively due to tactical mistakes made by the Pakistani commanders. This resulted in only two jawan casualties before combat ceased. Indian troops were later able to capture damaged or abandoned Pakistani tanks.

There is no war or conflict which hasn’t been a turning point. In India’s scuffle against Pakistan in 1971, the Battle of Longewala was that turning point. The battle, fought between the Pakistani offensive forces and the Indian defenders at the Indian border post of Longewala in Thar Desert of Rajasthan, was the first major engagement in the Western Sector during the war of 1971. In the battle, not only were the assaulting Pakistani attack foiled and dented, the Pak forces were forced to withdraw when India launched an offensive attack against them thereby winning the decisive battle that changed the face of the Indo-Pak war forever. There are many enthralling facts about the Battle of Longewala.

It was simply a miracle that Indians won the battle of Longewala. Led by Major Kuldip Singh Chandpuri (Commanding Officer) in 23rd Battalion, Punjab Regiment, the Indian army was on the defensive mode when the Pakistan army attacked the Longewala post on the night of 4 December 1971. Sensing trouble, Chandpuri immediately got in touch with the battalion headquarters requesting urgent armours and reinforcements. Battalion headquarters informed that reinforcement wasn’t possible before dawn.

Major Chandpuri was left with two options: one, to attempt and hold out until reinforced, or, two, to command a tactile on foot retreat of his company to Ramgarh. Displaying exceptional courage in the face of adversity, a courageous and determined Chandpuri decided not to back down and, running from bunker to bunker, he inspired his men to beat back the enemy.

Major Chandpuri had demanded aerial assistance from the Indian Air Force, which, sadly, was turned down because they did not have fighter jets with night vision in the fleet. This had left Chandpuri and his battalion of 120 odd soldiers (comprising 23rd Punjab Regiment (Sikhs) and handful of Indian Border Security Force (BSF Rajputs), to defend the post of Longewala despite heavy odds from the strong Pakistani Army of 2000-3000 men. The Indian troops battled the Pak army with all their valour and held the the enemy at bay through the night till the Indian Air Force arrived at the break of dawn.

The Indian troops, without the Artillery to match the enemy and seriously outnumbered, managed to put a strong fight against the Pakistani army and kept them engaged at a fair distance from the post until the air cover arrived and demolished the enemy. Chandpuri and his men only had a section of MMG’s, 2 Recoil-less Gun detachments and 81mm Mortars with which they kept Brig. Tariq Mir-led army of 2000-3000 Pak soldiers equipped with 50+ Sherman and T-59 China-made tanks at bay for good six hours of the night.

At the crack of dawn, Indian Air Force was back in action. It sent HF-24 Maruts and Hawker Hunter fighters to assist the Longewala post and, in no time, the fleet led by Air Controller (FAC) Major Atma Singh in a HAL Krishak turned the battle into India’s favour. With no air support from Pakistan Air Force, the Pak tanks and other armoured vehicles were sitting ducks to shoot at for the IAF. With Indian offensive from both land and air, the Pakistani attack was first halted and then driven back.

Indian soldiers managed to inflict heavy loses on Pakistani army. At least 200 Pak soldiers lost their lives against only two Indians. Pakistanis also lost about 34 tanks and over 500 other armoured vehicles.

Air Support in Thar - 1971 War by Air Cdre Kaiser Tufail     
                                                 
The Way it Was by Brig Zahir Alam Khan